By David A. Hollinger
The position of liberalized, ecumenical Protestantism in American historical past has too usually been obscured through the extra flamboyant and orthodox models of the religion that oppose evolution, embody slim conceptions of kinfolk values, and proceed to insist that the USA might be understood as a Christian country. during this ebook, one in every of our preeminent students of yank highbrow heritage examines how liberal Protestant thinkers struggled to embody modernity, even on the price of yielding a lot of the symbolic capital of Christianity to extra conservative, evangelical groups of faith.
If faith isn't easily a personal main issue, yet a possible foundation for public coverage and a countrywide tradition, does this suggest that non secular principles may be topic to an identical type of strong public debate ordinarily given to rules approximately race, gender, and the economic climate? Or is there whatever specified approximately non secular principles that invitations a suspension of severe dialogue? those essays, amassed the following for the 1st time, display that the severe dialogue of non secular rules has been primary to the method during which Protestantism has been liberalized during the heritage of the us, and make clear the advanced courting among faith and politics in modern American life.
After Cloven Tongues of Fire brings jointly in a single quantity David Hollinger's such a lot influential writings on ecumenical Protestantism. The e-book beneficial properties an informative normal creation in addition to concise introductions to every essay.
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Extra info for After Cloven Tongues of Fire : Protestant Liberalism in Modern American History
She was one of only two women appointed to this presidential commission. In addition, some affiliated groups did engage in direct action. The ecumenically saturated Fellowship of Reconciliation joined with the Congress of Racial Equality in 1947 to place interracial groups of travelers on Greyhound and Trailways buses in the Atlantic South. ”24 The integrationist agenda of the Protestant establishment in the 1940s was more talk than action, but some of the talk approached eloquence. Especially important in this respect were the essays and editorials in The Christian Century, which was the most prominent national magazine to protest against the internment of Japanese Americans as a racist violation of American constitutional principles.
Percy underestimated the role of ecumenical Protestants in the civil rights movement. But in the mid-1960s if one were looking for ways to “liberate the captives,” as Cox had called on Christians to do, and if one was now authorized to apply oneself to this task without any God talk, one could quickly find secular organizations such as the Congress of Racial Equality and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee that were trying to do just that. The secular liberators of the Berkeley-Cambridge axis were not encumbered, moreover, as were the National Council of Churches and its denominational affiliates, by a reluctant rank and file who paid the bills and who sometimes listened to the complaints of increasingly vocal evangelicals to the effect that the ecumenical elite was selling out true religion for social activism.
7 The notion of a Protestant nation was being renounced, and so too was the notion of a Christian nation, and even of a religious nation. Marty’s outlook was far from that of evangelicals at the time. This point requires underscoring because in later decades evangelicals joined forces ecumenically with many Catholic and Jewish organizations in opposition to abortion, in support of Israel, and in other common causes. In the context of this recent history, the positions taken by evangelical leaders in the 1950s and 1960s are easily lost from view.