By Douglas C. Waller
Early in 1982 a gaggle of lawmakers brought into either homes of the U.S. Congress a solution calling at the usa and the Soviet Union to barter a mutual and verifiable halt to the nuclear palms race. It used to be a daring degree and one who sparked extreme debate among contributors of Congress and the White condominium over the behavior of U.S. palms keep watch over coverage. This publication is an inside of account of that legislative conflict, informed through a congressional aide who was once within the thick of it.
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Congress and the nuclear freeze: an inside look at the politics of a mass movement
Early in 1982 a bunch of lawmakers brought into either homes of the U. S. Congress a solution calling at the usa and the Soviet Union to barter a mutual and verifiable halt to the nuclear palms race. It was once a daring degree and person who sparked excessive debate among contributors of Congress and the White apartment over the behavior of U.
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S. Congress, which took up its cause in short order and challenged a president as it had never done before. "Nothing astonishes," the poet Ralph Waldo Emerson once wrote, "so much as common sense," which perhaps explains why the freeze movement caught hold so quickly in this country. Not only was the freeze a simple idea; it was an idea that simply made good sense. If the problem with the arms race was the arms race, Americans began asking, why shouldn't the United States and the Soviet Union come to the bargaining table to negotiate a freeze on the testing, production, and deployment of nuclear weapons?
In October he met with Gromyko, his first-ever meeting with a top Soviet official. Both events were ridiculed by Democrat Walter Mondale, then challenging Reagan for the presidency, as nothing more than campaign press opportunities to pass off a militaristic president as a peacemaker. No doubt they were. But what followed proved to be remarkably pacific by Reagan standards. The day after his election to a second terman election in which he trounced Mondale even more soundly than he had Jimmy CarterMr.
Three years of peace rallies by the hundreds and referendum petitions by the hundreds of thousands. Three years of letter writing, lobbying, campaigning, pleading, debating, and protesting. Now, three years later, a grass-roots movement commanding millions of Americans, which began as an idea in the minds of just a few, had crossed one of its major legislative hurdles. No, this movement had not realized its ultimate goal, and as events in the coming years would unfold, the movement would not likely do so any time soon.